Essay on Martin Luther King A True Leader - 944 Words

Martin Luther Kind: A True Leader Do you think Martin Luther King deserves his reputation for being a great leader of the Civil Rights movement? What were his strengths and weakness? Overall, what is your verdict? Dr. Martin Luther King’s actions during the Civil Rights movement of the 1950’s and 1960’s demonstrated that, in the eyes of many, he was one of the greatest leaders of all time. His tactics of peaceful protest won him much praise and when he was killed in 1968, the non-violent protests faded out and†¦show more content†¦It was not King but other local figures, for instance, who planned the famous Montgomery bus boycott of 1955. The first student sit-ins of the 1960s also denied that they were under King’s influence. It was the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), rather than King’s organisation that launched the freedom rides and the SNCC that ensured their success. However, King can take credit for the success of the marches on Birmingham and Selma as the organization and manner (which influenced the Kennedy brothers) in which they were carried out were completely down to him. His speeches (most notably â€Å"I have a dream† and â€Å"Mountain top†) influenced both races in their thousands in their view of racial equality. Certainly, it would be a big overstatement to claim that Martin Luther King single-handedly won blacks civil rights. However, one cannot totally ignore his input in this field by any means. It would certainly be fair to say that, without King, the Civil rights act would, at least been delayed considerably in its passing. King’s personal key to a successful protest was keeping it peaceful and non-violent. This had mixed success and brought King under a lot of criticism, some claiming that he was an â€Å"uncle tom† that sucked up to whites. Privately, King’s own supporters knew that non-violence was not an outlookShow MoreRelatedMartin Luther King Qualities1327 Words   |  6 Pagesmade Martin Luther King to become a great leader in civil rights movement. Martin Luther King was a social activist and Baptist minister who led the civil rights movement from the mid-1950s to 1960s. According to the website called Martin Luther King Jr.-Biography, Martin Luther king was graduated from high school when he was fifteen. After getting his B. A. Degree from Morehouse, the B. D. from Crozer and then he got his doctor’s degree from Boston University. This shows that Martin Luther KingRead MoreDr. Martin Luther King Jr., A Political Icon Essay1441 Words   |  6 Pagesbecause the y and their accomplishments have forever changed society and the world. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was one of those individuals. Martin Luther Kings contributions to history place him in this inimitable position. One of the great figures in the march of human history, Martin Luther King Jr., like Gandhi before him, lived by a heroic credo of non-violence. More than two decades since his death, Martin Luther King ideas; his call for racial equality, his faith in the ultimate triumph of justiceRead Moreâ€Å"I Am Happy To Join With You Today In What Will Go Down1420 Words   |  6 Pagesdemonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.† (Lerone Bennett Jr. pg.125) Being a hero means to be a leader. To be a leader you have to have strength, courage, and commitment. In the 1960s, there were many leaders fighting for what they believe is the right of freedom and equality of all people. A major leader, Martin Luther King Jr. was involved in the Civil Rights Movement during t he 60s. King was influenced by advocates of nonviolence such as Mahatma Gandhi. He wanted to seek equality for AfricanRead MoreDifferences Between Martin Luther King and Malcolm X Essay805 Words   |  4 PagesDuring the 1960’s Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X represented two sides of the Civil Rights Movement. Speaking to all of humanity, Dr. King made these famous peaceful words, â€Å"I have a dream, a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: â€Å"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal† (King, 1963, para 10). Malcolm X spoke of a violent revolution by claiming, â€Å"If it’s necessary to form a Black Nationalist army, we’llRead More Complexities of Dr. Martin Luther King Essay1254 Words   |  6 PagesMartin Luther King, Jr.’s impact on the civil rights movement was nothing short of monumental. To say anything less may be considered sacrilege in the history of the United States. King’s liberal and Christian upbringing, comfortable and educated childhood, and his theological education all played a large part in his contributions to civil rights in America. Perhaps one of his most sustained acts was his ability to represent the plight of African American rights while simultaneously portrayingRead MoreCourage and Moral Leadership1727 Words   |  7 PagesLee Strayer University Analyze the qualities that mirror courage and moral leadership in the leader, and document those qualities (moral traits) as discussed by Daft (2010) (Chapter 6: Courage and Moral Leadership). Martin Luther King, Jr. was the mirror image of a moral and courageous leader. Dr. King upheld his morality principles as well as set examples for his followers. Dr. King had special virtues in which he lived and they was love, courage, hope amongst others. Love, courageRead More Martin Luther King Jr. Essay926 Words   |  4 Pagesindividuals and learn about past people who have had a great effect on people showing us what a true hero is. The late Martin Luther King Jr. is a hero in the eyes of people due to the fact that he spoke his mind as a social activist, risked his life to end segregation, and stood up for what he believed was right during the civil rights movement. Overall he was a hero for the common race. Martin Luther King Jr. grew up in Atlanta, Georgia and developed into a well-mannered and highly educated individualRead MoreMartin Luther King Jr.867 Words   |  4 Pagespeople, one of them is Martin Luther King Jr. He made the world a better place for black citizens by doing non-violence movements and marched the way to freedom. Martin Luther King Jr. was born on January 15, 1929, in Atlanta Georgia as Michael King Jr., but changed his name to Martin Luther King Jr. in honor of Protestant Martin Luther. Through his activism, King played a pivotal role in ending the legal discrimination of African American citizens. During his childhood, Martin Jr.’s father stronglyRead More America Needs Moral Leadership to Bring Justice to an Unjust World1061 Words   |  5 PagesJail,† Martin Luther King says that â€Å"Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere . . . Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly† (143). Everyone wants to be treated fairly but there are places in the world where atrocities take place which impact the entire world, such as the persecution of Tibetans in China, the threat of terrorism to Western countries and racism in America. However, often from turmoil rise great leaders, such as the Dalai Lama and Martin Luther King, who helpRead MoreMartin Luther King’s Quest for Equality1340 Words   |  5 PagesEquality Martin Luther King Jr. had a substantial impact on how the United States views civil rights. During his lifetime, Martin became highly educated and used his knowledge to help others in a positive way. King was not only an influential leader of the Civil Rights Movement, but also a catalyst and a leading figure of the 1960s. His leadership and practices still live on today, and the Civil Rights Movement wouldnt have been nearly as successful without his leadership and guidance. Dr. King pushed

A Clean Well Lighted Place and A Soldiers Home by Ernest...

A wise man named Ernest Hemingway is a person who has suffered a lot throughout his years. Though by the looks of it, he had it all. Hemingway was a bright man, who loved writing. A person who received awards for his fantastic books he wrote, not to mention being wealthy. Most of Hemingway’s book was basically a reflection of this life, and the things he have been through. As his stress kept increasing, depression started gaining. Both A Clean Well-Lighted Place and A Soldier’s Home by Ernest Hemingway support the idea that even though you have everything you wanted, you are still not happy, though you will have people around you not understanding why because you as yourself only understands The novel A Clean Well-Lighted Place demonstrates that even if you have everything you ever wanted, we are still unhappy. One way this proves this point is through theme. Theme is the central message that is revealing throughout the story that is being read. An example that reveal s this type of theme is that in the story two waiters in a cafà © are talking about an old man who would always come to the cafà © and would drink Brandy’s all day. After passing midnight, the old man would be too drunk and leave, but forgetting to pay. This example shows a reflection on how Hemingway would be an alcoholic because of his depression. Another example from this story is by the two waiters discussing how the old man tried to commit suicide, by tying himself on a rope. â€Å"How much money he has?† saidShow MoreRelatedA Clean Well-Lighted Place 11111 Words   |  5 PagesA Clean Well-Lighted Place In the short story â€Å"A Clean Well-lighted Place† by Ernest Hemingway the setting is very important. The story takes place in a Spanish speaking country in a cafà ©, but more so than the actual place the time is what makes the setting so crucial to the story. The story takes place at night Hemingway uses this in contrast to the well-lighted cafe with its artificial light. The contrast between dark and light is the main idea of the story and it is best expressed through theRead More Comparing F. Scott Fitzgerald and Ernest Hemingway Essay1214 Words   |  5 PagesComparing F. Scott Fitzgerald and Ernest Hemingway F. Scott Fitzgerald and Ernest Hemingway, though both evolved from the same literary time and place, created their works in two very dissimilar writing styles which are representative of their subject matter. The two writers were both products of the post-WWI lost generation and first gained notoriety as members of the American expatriate literary community living in Paris during the 1920s. Despite this underlying fact which influencedRead More Nothingness in A Clean Well-Lighted Place by Ernest Hemingway1369 Words   |  6 PagesNothingness in A Clean Well-Lighted Place by Ernest Hemingway Man is often plagued by the question of his own existence. Existentialism is a subjective philosophy that is centered upon the examination of man’s existence, emphasizing the liberation, responsibility, and usually the solitude of the individual. It focuses on individuals finding a reason for living within themselves. The philosophy forces man to make choices for himself, on the premise that nothing is preordained, there is no fateRead MoreEssay on The Life of Ernest Miller Hemingway3853 Words   |  16 Pages The Life of Ernest Miller Hemingway   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There were several writers in the twentieth century, and among them was Ernest Miller Hemingway. Hemingway had a interesting, but strange life. By analyzing and exploring the literature and biographies of Ernest Hemingway, one will be able to understand the life of Ernest Hemingway and see the major contributions he had to literature.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  He was born on July 21, 1899 in Oak Park, Illinois. Hemingway was born in the Hemingway family home, which was built

Within the Context of the Period 1895-1995 Free Essays

Within the context of the period 1895-1995 to what extent were the anti-Semitic policies implemented by the right wing elites during the Vichy Regime from 1940-1944 a reflection of their popularity within France? To this day the period of French Occupation and the Vichy Regime remains one of the most contentious and sensitive in modern French history. After suffering a crushing military defeat to Germany in the summer of 1940 an armistice was signed and the country was divided: the northern half of France including the capital was occupied by the German forces and became the zone occupee and in the southern unoccupied zone, the zone libre, the ‘autonomous’ yet collaborationist government was set up in the town of Vichy headed by Marshal Philippe Petain. Petain’s government collaborated with the German forces in deportation of some 75,000 Jews who perished in Auschwitz . We will write a custom essay sample on Within the Context of the Period 1895-1995? or any similar topic only for you Order Now JJ) These 4 years in French history which have become known as the ‘Dark Years’ still to this day weigh heavily on the French national conscience. Consequently in post-war France there was a widely shared desire to erase these years from French history. The French post-war leaders that had, for the most part, emerged from the Resistance attempted to erase Vichy from French history through not acknowledging the government as legitimate. De Gaulle refused announce ‘the restoration of the French Republic†¦ n the grounds that it had never ceased to exist. ’ De Gaulle had no need to encourage examination of this shameful period of French History and instead went about reinterpreting the Vichy years as the years of the Resistance. However this myth of the Resistance ignored many of the harsh and unfavourable realities of French life during the occupation. Robert Paxton’s Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order marked the first phase of study of Vichy an d was written at a time when the Gaullist myth was being questioned and challenged. His historical study somewhat dispelled the generally accepted and favourable view that Vichy’s collaboration was on the whole involuntary. In addition to this he set about instating Vichy into France’s wider historical context rather than allowing it to be viewed as an anomaly in France’s history. Another work contemporary to Paxton’s study was Marcel Ophuls’ The Sorrow and the Pity an unprecedentedly scathing depiction of the French people under Occupation. Both of these works challenged de Gaulle’s revised version of the French occupation and sought about to shed light on he true nature of the Vichy Regime and France under occupation. Paxton dispelled the view that Vichy collaboration was entirely involuntary and that the line between voluntary and involuntary collaboration ran between Laval and Petain. What this revealed is that the anti-Semitic views that the Vichy government pursued could not said to be fully enforced by the German occu piers. This gives rise to the debate to what extent were the policies followed by the Vichy regime actually their own or were they rather pursued out of necessity to maintain France’s sovereignty as Vichy sympathisers argued. Perhaps what was most abhorrent about the Paxton’s study to the French public was that he made the bold assertion that the nature of the Vichy regime and its policies could be assimilated into the wider French political culture which essentially is the suggestion that the anti-Semitism that proliferated under Vichy was not exclusively present in Vichy. Similarly Ophuls’ documentary suggests that the attitudes adopted by the French public presents a social culture where anti-Semitism was acceptable. However it must be acknowledged that whilst the abovementioned present a scathing unfavourable depiction of French social and political culture this by no means can be said to , as Julian Jackson writes: ‘The history of the Occupation should be written not in black and white, but in shades of grey. ’ (JJ) Jackson here comments the complexity of the period of Occupation and the Vichy regime itself whilst Vichy followed policies of anti-Semitism it set about protecting French Jews from the extremities of the German occupation. Whilst the public opinion can be described as attentiste indifference to the Jew’s fate didn’t mean the French public actively encouraged the persecution of the Jewish population. In considering the extent to which Vichy’s policies are a reflection of their popularity in France requires an appreciation of the inherently nuanced nature of the period. The debate between whether Vichy’s collaboration with Germany was voluntary or involuntary is important in forming a judgement on the motives behind the policies the regime implemented. It is noteworthy that both Laval and Petain believed that Germany had won the war and the British would soon surrender. This gave rise three distinct motives behind voluntary collaboration; politico-administrative, politico-diplomatic and the alleviation of the impact caused by the Armistice on daily life. Despite the fact that in theory the Vichy administration was in control of the Occupied Zone this control was very much subjected to German regulation. By actively collaborating with the Germans Vichy leaders hoped to maintain this balance of German intervention in the administration of the country fearing that not being forthcoming with collaboration would encourage further loss of Vichy autonomy. The politico- diplomatic motive was based on the assumption that the Germans had won the war and set about creating an environment for favourable peace treaty negotiations with the victorious axis powers. There had already been portentous signs of the division of France in the Occupied Zone; for example, ‘The two departments of the Nord and Pas-de-Calais were attached to the German military command in Brussels. ’ (JJ) This was to prepare for the British invasion however once this was called off the refugees that had been removed from the area were not returned and instead their properties were being prepared to be handed over to German settlers. If this was to be the case then it was essential for there to be goodwill between Vichy and the Germans in order to ensure favourable terms in the, believed to be, imminent treaty. Much of these considerations harkened back to the German annexation of Alsace-Lorraine after French defeat in the Franco-Prussian war of 1870. The third consideration behind collaboration was to limit the effects of the armistice on the daily lives of French people by being cooperative in other terms of the armistice the French had hoped to limit some of the other strands of the agreement that had become increasingly burdensome. For example, the financial strains being placed on France by the German war effort had been increasingly problematic. These motives exonerate Vichy from the stigma associated with a policy of collaborationism as they present a concerted desire to preserve French interests. However, whilst these were overarching intentions behind collaboration by becoming actively involved in appeasing the Germans Vichy began down the slippery slope of complicity that would eventually lead to the extremes of collaboration. For example, Theodor Dannecker’s radicalisation of anti-Semitic policy in the Occupied Zone meant in order for Vichy to ‘preserve nominal sovereignty’ (JJ) Vichy had to follow suit and this essentially involved carrying out the anti-Semitic policy of the Germans. One can argue that Vichy’s complicity in the most extreme anti-Semitic policy was not motivated by its anti-Semitism but more the logic of their collaboration policy. Whilst Vichy made anti-Semitic policy one of its initial concerns what is clear is that, to some extent, it was necessitated by the German occupation. Viewing the Occupation from a contemporary perspective can be problematic especially when it comes to assessing Vichy in terms of its anti-Semitic policy as the treatment of the Jews becomes the dominating factor of the Occupation. However, in order to gain a true appreciation of the Occupation one must contend with the fact that the anti-Semitic policy pursued by the Vichy elites was but a facet of the regime’s policy and its concerns. Nevertheless, this is not to say that Vichy did not have its own autonomous and indigenous anti-Semitic policies. The degree of enthusiasm in which Vichy administrators pursued anti-Semitic policy varies however within the Vichy government many anti-Semites were active who acted out of a very much French interpretation of the ‘Jewish Problem’. Xavier Vallat, a Catholic and former member of the extremist right wing group Action Francaise and head Commissariat-General for Jewish Questions from 1941-1942 ( CGQJ), remained during his trial before the High court of Justice in December 1947 unrepentantly anti-Semitic. In fact he used his anti-Semitism as a defence claiming that he cannot be accused of collaborating with the French ‘since his ant-Semitism was authentically French†¦ ’ (JJ) However contradictory this may seem as a defence it sheds light on an important reality: the crime anti-Semitism was seen as less of a crime than voluntary collaboration. This reality vindicates Vallat’s claim of his indigenous anti-Semitism; his willingness to concede his own anti-Semitism is an attempt to normalise it and thus is revealed an attitude that propagated in right-wing political culture. When one considers Vallat himself was a former member of right wing group Action Francaise that was borne out of the Dreyfus Affair (1894-1906), in which an innocent Jewish officer was accused of treason having been framed by the military that coalesced with other institutions of the right. We see that this attitude is one that has existed within the political culture of the right within France, one that predates Vichy and perhaps more significantly postdates Vichy. What’s more is that Vallat himself was removed by Laval in April 1942 for is all too evident dislike of the German occupiers. Vallat was both a passionate anti-Semite and an ardent nationalist what can be garnered from this is that whilst Vichy followed a policy of anti-Semitism this was not done in order to maintain the terms of collaboration with the occupiers rather we see that Vichy’s autonomous Jewish policy irrefutably has roots in French anti-Semitism. John Sweets argues that: ‘Vichy attention had been turned to the Jews from the first months of the regime’s existence’. Several examples of Vichy anti-Semitic legislation corroborate this view. The Jewish Statute issued in 1940 imposed by the Vichy administration were the beginning of a web of legislation that would deprive Jewish citizens of the right to hold public office, make them a lower class and eventually denaturalise them. It is noteworthy that this statute was not imposed by the Germans. What’s more is that an ordinance passed by the Germans in September 1940 defining the criterion of being Jewish was extended by Vichy to make more Jewish people susceptible to the anti-Semitic policies in work by both the German and the French. This lead to Dannecker ordering ‘the wider definition of Jewishness to be used in preference to the slightly more restrictive German one. ’ There are several examples of the Vichy administrators going beyond the demands of the occupiers in Jewish policy what this reveals is a truly independent desire to address the aforementioned French interpretation of the ‘Jewish problem’ . During the years of the occupation the Jews in France became caught between two, not entirely separate but distinct nonetheless, projects of anti-Semitism. The defining dichotomy of the occupation is ‘collaboration’ and ‘resistance’ this seemingly clear contrast however neglects the complexity of the period. One may assume that being a part of the Resistance entails being opposed to the existence and policy of the Vichy regime; however, this was not always the case. Among those in the Resistance were those who supported Petain and the anti-Semitic policies as well as the contrary. In debating whether Vichy attitudes reflected wider French attitudes the stance of the Resistance form a counterpoint; what we see in particular regarding anti-Semitism the lines between Vichy and the Resistance are quite obscure. There was ambivalence towards the plight of the Jews present in Resistance. One respondent to a questionnaire, drafted in October 1943, to evaluate the political attitudes of the Resistance desired all Jews to be ‘kept out of all governmental and public functions’; another ‘the relegation of all Jews, Freemasons†¦ nd former politicians. ’ However, one must not overstate the similarities between the Resistance and Vichy, they differed on fundamental lines; The Resistance did in fact come to actively oppose Vichy anti-Semitism. However, what is important is that even among the Resistance there was conceived to be a ‘Jewish problem’ whilst they opposed Vichy’s methods the roots of anti-Semitism are visible eve n amongst those who opposed it in Occupied France. This common ground between those considered collaborationists and members of the Resistance created a state in France where one could move into the Resistance without making any ‘fundamental ideological adjustments. ’ This is characterised by Francois Mitterand, who was to later become president of the 5TH republic, who joined the Resistance after being a prominent Petainist. What we witness is that the principals of the Vichy regime were present in that of its opposition. This reality presents the fact that the Vichy regime cannot be viewed as an anomalous French government. Whilst Vichy and the Resistance oppose each other fundamentally the similarities between these two distinct bodies reveal that in fact Vichy can be assimilated in terms of its ideals into a wider French political culture. However in order to make this assumption the nature of the Vichy regime itself must be assessed. The nature of Petain’s regime was authoritarian Julian Jackson comments that ‘Vichy functioned like a court†¦ At the centre of the court was Petain. ’ Petain was Head of state and had the power to appoint and sack ministers at will. Indeed the Vichy regime was as turbulent as the Third Republic with there being ministerial reshuffles frequently. Vichy did not view itself as a stop-gap French government the occupation of France and the armistice offered France a historic opportunity for political change. Paxton makes the assertion that: ‘the excitement aroused’ at the introduction of this National Revolution serves as evidence that Vichy was no mere caretaker regime but rather that there was general dissatisfaction at the state of the Republic pre second World War and as aforementioned politicians. The National Revolution ‘defined itself†¦ in opposition to liberal individualism which uprooted people from the ‘natural’ communities of family, workplace and religion. ’ Vichy also embarked on a programme of moral regeneration for France hoping to rid France of its undesirables (mainly Jews, Freemasons and Communists). Vichy also established a personality cult around Petain this involved portraits of the Marshal were commissioned to be placed in municipal buildings in the unoccupied zone. One can trace lineage from the style and nature of the Vichy regime from Daladier’s Republic that precedes Vichy. The authoritarian style of Daladier is reflected in Petain’s position as Vichy Premier not only that but Daladier’s rhetoric of family values, the role of religion and moral regeneration are remarkably similar to the stance taken by Petain, this continuity of the mantras of these two government go some way to disprove the post-war myth that Vichy was a reactionary clique. Elements of the Vichy style of government would even postdate the regime in the Fifth Republic under de Gaulle. He too believed, like Petain and the Vichy elites, that the former structure of the French Republic was ineffective. e Gaulle’s revision to the constitution empowered him and created a more stable but undoubtedly more authoritarian state. Paxton and Marrus make the assertion that: ‘The government of Petain did not invent the anti-Jewish programme†¦ Every element of this program was present in the years preceding the fall of the Third Republic. ’ The wave of anti-Semit ism that surged with the arrival of the Vichy regime cannot simply attributed to the anti-Jewish sentiments that erupted in the 30’s due to the social and economic issues of the great depression and in the late 30’s the fears of a 2nd world war. Anti-Jewish sentiments were an undercurrent in French political and social culture, a volatile force that at sometimes would be restrained by some ‘external pressure’ but other times could burst out after having amalgamated with economic or social hardship. For example, the dormancy of anti-Semitism can be attributed to the fact that many French Jews fought and died in the 2nd world war and the third tenet of the French national motto is fraternite. As Maurras described this sense of brotherhood led to a ‘semi-tolerance’ of the Jews at the time. However in the 30’s during a time of economic contraction, high unemployment and hardship who more vulnerable a target for blame than the foreigners and Jews? What became central to anti-Jewish sentiment during the 30s a growing obsession with the shortcomings of France. With the sense of insecurity of the 30’s Jews became a symbol and cause of this ‘terrible French inadequacy’ a phrase coined by a contemporary French novelist. This is what allowed anti-Semitic feeling to permeate the sensibilities of the ‘average’ Frenchman. Similarly the rhetoric of anti-Semitism had become so imbued in the French lexis that one even if speaking against anti-Semitism would speak in a way that would jar modern sensibilities. Anti-Semitism was imbued in France in a way permeated all facets of existence. It is noteworthy that Paxton’s seemingly harsh depiction of this historical track of French anti-Semitism is influenced by the time in which he produced his history. Writing in the 70’s he set about to dispel the Gaullist myth that had been largely accepted by the French public that allowed Vichy to detached from French social and political history/ culture. Paxton’s assertion however does not ignore some shocking realities take for example that some 30 years after the Dreyfus affair a production of the play in Paris was broken up by right-wing toughs. Despite the fact that Vichy collaborators contributed to the genocide of European Jewish population whilst anti-Jewish sentiments were assuaged as Paxton argues they are an undercurrent ever –present in French society. Even among who formed the government in the wake of Vichy still possessed this anti-Semitism. Radical Pierre Mendes France PM of the 5th Republic between 1954-55 was forced to resign as his Jewish background made him unpopular with his contemporaries. Not only this but right-wing movements formed in the post-war period the right wing Poujadist movement that was opposed to industrialisation undermining France’s rural wholesome values- remarkably similar to Vichy ethics. However this attitude was not simply preserved among the cliques of right-wing it is noteworthy that Jean Marie Le Pen of the right-wing National Front Party forced a second round of voting in the Presidential election of 2002 having obtained 16. 6% of voting in the first round. Not only do we see a revival of anti-Semitic right wing cliques but as late as 2002 we see genuine support for these movements in France. The simple assertion can be made that if France had not been somewhat accustomed to a political and social culture of anti-Semitism the policies enacted by the Vichy regime surely would have be en abhorrent to the French public and caused general outrage. However in assessing the response of the French public the different stances of the French is an important consideration as well as the main concerns facing the population at the time. The prevailing attitudes towards the Jewish people at the start of the period were that of attentisme, indifference and hostility. The French public, on a personal level, had more serious concerns to contend with life in Occupied France was made much more difficult by the fact and many French people sought to look after their own interests therefore the plight of the Jewish people became an occurrence that was largely ignored between 1940-1942. However Julian Jackson makes the distinction that: ‘Indifference to the fate of the Jews was not the same as non- involvement in it. This was the case as ‘The application of the both Statutes drew people into complicity with anti-Semitism’. Whilst the politicians drafted the measures that would put Jewish quotas in their professions and exclude Jewish teachers the people who ran these professional organisations were made complicit in the anti-Semitism by exacting these measures. Indeed the smoothness in the way in which the Statutes were implemented gives evidence to the disregard of the French people to the unethical nature of the policy. However it is difficult to determine whether the indifference to the plight of the Jews was indeed ‘enough to characterise the attitude of the French population as one of active anti-Semitism’ or whether the attitudes of the French public towards the Jewish population were a result of the need to protect one’s own interests during the Occupation or perhaps is it too scathing to the French public to describe them as ‘active’ in the anti-Semitism? In some cases, the French public acted to reinforce the opinion that they were active in anti-Semitism. In the South of France the exodus of Jews escaping the seemingly more threatening German Occupied Zone encouraged feelings of resentment and, for example, in Nice anti-Semitic incidents frequented. In there was a contrast between Jewish perception of attitudes towards them between the two zones; A Jewish observer commented at this time about the free zone: ‘here we can still move around freely and don’t fear arrest at any moment. But as for the attitude of the French one feels more at home in the Occupied Zone. This serves as evidence that in the unoccupied zone of France there were sentiments of active anti-Semitism present in that the Jewish population were subject of resentment and hostility. However, the reaction towards the Jewish population somewhat changed when the policy transitioned into deportation of the Jews. Sweets charts public reaction to the plight of the Jews as: ‘At first indifferent, insensitive†¦ and then hostile to government policy as lif e became increasingly precarious for the Jews with each new action against them. Whilst there was an eventual turning point in public opinion regarding the fate of the Jews it seems that the French public were willing to witness the destabilisation of the Jews within France that saw them humiliated and sectioned aside from the rest of French society but drew the line where manifestations of this destabilisation became physical i. e. having to witness babies being torn apart from mothers who are being arrested for deportation to an internment camp. Whilst a formal and somewhat discreet destabilisation of Jewish presence in France had been tolerable the visible sight of this seemed to be unpalatable to the French public. What becomes evident in the enacting of Vichy’s anti-Semitic policy is that it was extremely reliant on public approval. The ease of which Vichy was able to establish anti-Jewish legislation was reliant on the complicity of the French people who did not have the interests of the Jewish people at the forefront during the German occupation. However, we see that one this consensus had been broken in 1942 come to the implementation of the Final Solution Vichy policy loses effectiveness as it is undermined by civil society. We witness that the French population despite being complicit largely did in fact have a great deal of influence over the policy of Vichy. Vichy France and the German occupation has and will continue to be a contentious issue in French history. Whilst it is irrefutable that German influence in the occupation had an influence in bringing about the anti-Semitic policy that proliferated under Vichy it is clear that Vichy had its own indigenous roots of anti-Semitism that almost provided this government with a historical inclination to act in the way it did. The complexity of the period disallows any sweeping judgement of the period however, an acknowledgement of the influence of German factors and an understanding of France’s own historical potential for the anti-Semitic policies allow for a nuanced appreciation of the period. Bibliography Jackson, Julian. ‘France the Dark Years 1940-1944’. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Paxton, Robert. ‘Vichy France Old Guard ad New Order’. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. Sweets, John. ‘Choices in Vichy France’. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. Marrus, Michael and Paxton, Robert. ‘Vichy France and the Jews’. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1981. Vinen, Richard. ‘The Unfree French: Life under the Occupation’ London: Penguin Books, 2007. http://www. wikepedia. com How to cite Within the Context of the Period 1895-1995?, Essay examples

The Race free essay sample

Everyone, including me, thought that I had won the race. As I crossed the line, the crowd cheered and began to pour out from the stands and onto the track. There I was, a mere sophomore, but I had stood up and volunteered to be our team’s anchor, and now we were the champions. However, I began to question my feelings of elation and victory as I watched the girl from Medfield, our arch rivals, keep running. Then I saw my coach and my teammates yelling at me and making â€Å"around the track† gestures with their arms. In my drive to run as fast as I could, I had lost count and there was still one more lap to go before the race was finished. I jumped back onto the track, determined to earn my prize. I ran harder than I ever had and soon battery acid was pumping through my legs and my lungs felt like giant caves, but I was determined and picked up my speed. We will write a custom essay sample on The Race or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page My track team, like the ones at most schools, does not get the respect or support of other sports like basketball or football. There have even been people who try to tell me that track was not even a sport; that running around in a circle required no talent whatsoever. Sure, and in baseball everyone should hit a homerun all the time because the pitcher throws the ball directly at the hitter. Each day after school my fellow teammates and I put on our well-worn running shoes and warm up for the day’s workout. We huddle together, using each other as support to overcome the tiredness and muscle aches because we know that in just a few moments we will be pushing our bodies to the limit. Our school has a reputation for fast runners and our coaches work to make sure that we live up that reputation, fully. The gym is draped in all-star, state champion, and other banners. They serve as gentle, yet effective reminders that the pressure to succeed is always on. During the meets, the intensity level was overwhelming. I could never stand still, and my heart always felt like it was beating out of my chest. At the first race of my freshman year, I was shaking and there was no way I could stop. The thought of having all eyes on me gave me goose bumps. Surprisingly it seemed the more nervous I was, the faster I ran. It was probably because I wanted to get the race over with. Although we were part of a team, the races were individual, sometimes even running against your own teammates. As the season of my sophomore year came to an end, we had run against all but one team: Medfield. I had been warned that this would be a close race, but I was unaware of just how close the race would become. As the 300 meter race ended, the 600 meter, the mile, and then the two mile we were tied with points. This meet was not a typical meet; it was for the league championship. Surprisingly, it came down to our relay race which was the last event. Our relay consisted of me and three other girls. My coach asked us who would volunteer to be the relay team’s anchor. As everyone else took a step back, I stepped forth. The entire track was lined with my classmates, teachers, parents, and my coaches. As the gun went off, all eyes were on the four of us girls from Hopkinton and the four girls from Medfield. Try as I might to catch up, too much time had passed and the meet went to Medfield. As I crossed the actual finish line, my heart sank. We could have†¦if only†¦ The next few days were really tough for me, but with the support of my family, friends, and teammates, I recovered from my mistake. I was dedicated to my team, and my team needed me. As a four-year varsity letter-holder on my track team, my job and contribution was and is to help motivate and lead my team through a successful season. Because of this, the next practice I walked in with my head held high. Although I had made a big mistake, I had also taken a big risk, and I was the better person for having done so. After that track meet, our team’s bond deepened, and we all became more supportive of each other. We would all cheer for each others races and make sure to tell them how well they did after they completed their event. Every runner may have come together for a number of different reasons, but our goals were same: to achieve peak performance and experience personal growth. For me, through dedication and commitment I have been able to meet and exceed the challenges pres ented to me. Applying these same attributes to college and my career will help me to become a successful person.

Decision Making and Motivating Performance

Question: Discuss about the Decision Making and Motivating Performance. Answer: Introduction: Scentre Group has been selected for the purpose of analysis in context with the remuneration of the executives of the company. The mission of the Group is to own interest in the highest quality regional centers and to make investment in the assets through the redevelopment opportunities. It would ensure that the communities of the Group are enriched by the shopping centers by providing extraordinary retail spaces. It intends to provide the customers with leisure and unique shopping experience. The goal of the company is to ensure that the shopping centers of the Group meets the highest expectations of the customers and retailers (Crosson and Needles 2013). Discussion: Scentre group prepares the remuneration report in accordance with the requirement of the ASX corporate governance council and Corporation Act. Remuneration report focuses on the approach to remuneration of the key management personnel. Established indicators do the assessment of the performance of the executives. Remuneration of the Group needs to be aligned with the interest of the security holders and business strategy of the Group (Needles and Crosson 2013). The remuneration package of CEO of Scentre Group has remain unchanged and the fees of Chairman has witnessed an increase in the financial year 2016. Remuneration practice of Group is benchmarked against its competitors (Datar et al. 2013). Total remuneration of the executive teams such as Chairman and CEO comprise of fixed remuneration and the potential maximum at the risk remuneration through the short-term and long-term incentive plan. Fixed remuneration of Executives such as CEO and Chairman is awarded in cash. The targeted and potential long-tern incentive (LTI) and short-term incentive (STI) is calculated as a percentage of fixed remuneration. Under the short-term incentive (STI) plan, CEO, CFO and COO, 70% of short-term incentives are paid in cash and the balance amount are delivered as the performance right at the end of three years. Under the deferred STI awards, there are no additional performance hurdles. The targeted maximum STI opportunity for CEO was 127.5 and 150. For the LTI, it stood at 135 and 170 (Scentregroup.com 2017). The performance of the top executives such as CEO and Chairman is measured by establishing the KPIs under the development system and performance review. Measuring the performance of the executive against the agreed KPIs determines the actual STI awarded. Performance weighting of CEO under the financial measures comprise of 65% of the group target and for the non-financial measures, it stands at 35% (Scentregroup.com 2017). The LTI are awarded under Performance Incentive Right plan as performance rights. The performance objectives of the KPIs vary according to the role of executives. Senior executive such as CEO is subjected to the performance review in the manner discussed. Valuation of awards made to the executives under the equity-linked plan reflects the performance of the securities on the Australian stock exchange. The value of the awards of the executives fall if the price of share falls (Matherly and Burney 2013). CEO of scentre group can become one of the highest paid according to revelations at the group annual general meeting. It was thought that the remuneration was a misunderstood overpay. In lieu of this, the investors voted against the potential payment made to Mr. Allen and it was related to the structure of remuneration. Chairman of the company Brian Schwartz said that the remuneration practices of the Group is under review (Financial Review 2015). The bonus structure of the company are such that the remuneration paid to the executives are better linked to the performance rather than focusing on the components of fixed salary. On the other hand, Performance of the Scentre Group is measured by using a number of key metrics, which includes growth in the security price and earnings. The Group as the key performance measure uses FFO. FFO is an accepted measure of profitability used by the real estate industry that is recognized internationally. The key performance indicator of Scentre Group is based on financial and non-financial measures and this include construction, retail management, sustainability, strategic targets and the value of the Group. The review of the executive is done annually and there are various performance criteria. The various category of the key performance indicator of Scentre Group are development projects, digital strategy, acquisition, strategic sales, joint venture, financial targets, portfolio management and risk management (Scentregroup.com 2017). KPIs for each executive are set on the annual basis with the intention of motivating them to achieve their performance objectives. Conclusion: Scentre Group is a geographically focused business and the executives of the company has been empowered to operate with autonomy. This help them in achieving their business objectives efficiently. It is clearly observed from the above discussion that the remuneration of the senior executives are paid based on their performances. Performances of senior executives are monitored, as there are established performance indicators. The policies and practices reflecting remuneration of the executives reflect high level of governance. However, it was reviewed by the journal presented from few newspaper that the senior executives are being over paid and in light of this, there is a need to restructure the remuneration policies. Reference: Crosson, S.V. and Needles, B.E., 2013.Managerial accounting. Cengage Learning. Datar, S.M., Rajan, M.V. and Horngren, C.T., 2013.Managerial Accounting: Decision Making and Motivating Performance. Pearson Higher Ed. Financial Review. (2015).Scentre Group CEO Peter Allen could become one of country's best-paid execs. Available at: https://www.afr.com/real-estate/commercial/scentre-group-ceo-peter-allen-could-become-one-of-countrys-bestpaid-execs-20150507-ggw68l [Accessed 9 Jan. 2017]. Guinea, F.A., 2016. The Need For Managerial Accounting Systems.SEA-Practical Application of Science, (12), pp.465-470. Matherly, M. and Burney, L.L., 2013. Active learning activities to revitalize managerial accounting principles.Issues in Accounting Education,28(3), pp.653-680. Needles, B.E. and Crosson, S.V., 2013.Managerial accounting. Nelson Education. Scentregroup.com. (2017).News | Scentre Group. Available at: https://www.scentregroup.com/media/ [Accessed 9 Jan. 2017]. Scentregroup.com. (2017).News Archives | Scentre Group. Available at: https://www.scentregroup.com/news_announcements/?type=media_releases [Accessed 9 Jan. 2017].

How to Write a Good Argumentative Essay Using the Essay Writing Software

How to Write a Good Argumentative Essay Using the Essay Writing SoftwareWriting a good short argumentative essay is no easy task, but it is possible with the right essay writing software. For those who are struggling to come up with a strong argumentative essay, or even if you are just writing one for a final examination, there are many different tools that can help you.One of the most important parts of the quick essay is the topic. The topic will be the beginning of the essay. You must have a clear, concise topic and then you must write about the subject thoroughly in order to make the reader interested in reading the rest of the essay. To help you write your topic, there are some tips and tools that you can use.First, you must start by thinking about what kind of writing you want to do. Some people love to write scientific papers, while others prefer to write books and other publications. Whatever type of writing you like to do, you should use this tip to help you.Next, you should think about your theme. For example, do you want to write about something which is already known, such as the age of the earth? Or do you want to think about something that is new and revolutionary, such as living on Mars?Think about what you are going to write about, and then pick a simple subject that will interest your readers. A good theme will help you get your topic across easily. If you have no theme, you will need to come up with an idea that will help you do so. Make sure that the topic and the other tools that you use are related to the topic that you have chosen.For you to have a clear idea of what you are going to write, do a bit of research. Find out the topic that is already known and the facts that are out there and then pick a topic for your essay. For example, if you are writing about the age of the earth, you can choose a topic that is more recent. Since the topic is already known, it will be easier for you to build your essay around it.When you have a good topic and all the tools needed to write your essay, you will find that the process of writing the essay becomes much easier. There are many ways that you can structure your topic so that it will help you come up with an effective argumentative essay. As long as you know what you are writing about, and choose a topic that is related to the topic, then you will have no problem coming up with a very interesting essay.

THE TREATY OF WAITANGI Essay Research Paper free essay sample

THE TREATY OF WAITANGI Essay, Research Paper Her Majesty Victoria Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland sing with Her Royal Favour the Native Chiefs and Tribes of New Zealand and dying to protect their merely Rights and Property and to procure to them the enjoyment of Peace and Good Order has deemed it necessary in effect of the great figure of Her Majesty # 8217 ; s Subjects who have already settled in New Zealand and the rapid extension of Emigration both from Europe and Australia which is still in advancement to represent and name a functionary decently authorised to handle with the Natives of New Zealand for the acknowledgment of Her Majesty # 8217 ; s autonomous authorization over the whole or any portion of those islands # 8211 ; Her Majesty therefore being wishful to set up a settled signifier of Civil Government with a position to debar the immorality effects which must ensue from the absence of the necessary Laws and Institutions likewise to the native population and to Her topics has been gracefu lly pleased to authorise and to empower me William Hobson a Captain in Her Majesty # 8217 ; s Royal Navy Consul and I, Lieutenant Governor of such parts of New Zealand as may be or hereafter shall be ceded to Her Majesty to ask for the confederated and independent Chiefs of New Zealand to agree in the undermentioned Articles and Conditions. We will write a custom essay sample on THE TREATY OF WAITANGI Essay Research Paper or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Article the first The Chiefs of the Confederation of the United Tribes of New Zealand and the separate and independent Chiefs who have non become members of the Confederation cede to Her Majesty the Queen of England perfectly and without reserve all the rights and powers of Sovereignty which the said Confederation of Individual Chiefs severally exercising or possess, or may be supposed to exert or to possess over their several Territories as the exclusive crowned head thereof. Article the 2nd Her Majesty the Queen of England confirms and warrants to the Chiefs and Tribes of New Zealand and to the several households and persons thereof the full sole and undisturbed ownership of their Lands and Estates Forests Fisheries and other belongingss which they may jointly or separately possess so long as it is their wish and desire to retain the same in their ownership ; but the Chiefs of the United Tribes and the single Chiefs output to Her Majesty the sole right of Preemption over such lands as the owners thereof may be disposed to estrange at such monetary values as may be agreed upon between the several Owners and individuals appointed by Her Majesty to handle with them in that behalf. Article the 3rd In consideration thereof Her Majesty the Queen of England extends to the Natives of New Zealand Her royal protection and imparts to them all the Rights and Privileges of British Subjects. [ signed ] W. Hobson Lieutenant Governor Now therefore We the Chiefs of the Confederation of the United Tribes of New Zealand being assembled in Congress at Victoria in Waitangi and We the Separate and Independent Chiefs of New Zealand claiming authorization over the Tribes and Territories which are specified after our several names, holding been made to the full to understand the Provisions of the foregoing Treaty, accept and enter into the same in the full spirit and significance thereof in informant of which we have attached our signatures or Markss at the topographic points and the day of the months severally specified Done at Waitangi this Sixth twenty-four hours of February in the twelvemonth of our Godhead one time thousand eight 100s and 40. The Chiefs of the Confederation [ This English pact text was signed at Waikato Heads in March or April 1840 and at Manukau harbour on 26 April. A sum of 39 heads signed. The text became the official version. ]